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By Ibrahim Karagül
A “game?changing” period has begun between Turkiye and Libya. While Turkiye’s partnership with the Tripoli government continues, a new phase is opening with the administration of Khalifa Haftar. Reciprocal visits are taking place, economic partnerships are being established, forward?looking plans are being drawn up, and a new stage is unfolding in Turkiye’s power play across the Mediterranean and Africa.
As Turkiye discusses its intervention in Sudan’s civil war, marked by atrocities verging on genocide, it is also building up positions at Ethiopia’s Somaliland port and Egypt’s Eritrean port. The great power struggle in Central and North Africa is escalating sharply. Every move in this contest reverberates far beyond national borders, shaking much of Africa. That is why Turkiye, one of the region’s most important players, is watched so closely.
Turkiye’s rapprochement with regional countries, built on partnerships against colonialism, has now become a settled principle. At the same time, Turkiye has demonstrated remarkable agility, able to manoeuvre quickly and adapt to circumstances. Central African states have expelled Western powers, especially France, in a “revolutionary transformation” that is reshaping African history. Turkiye has stood — and will continue to stand — as a central supporting force alongside these countries, opening its military technology to them extensively.
Central Africa cannot be conceived without Libya. One reason for Gaddafi’s downfall was Libya’s influence over Central African countries, which provoked France and Sarkozy into launching attacks that shocked the world. Libya is a vast Mediterranean country, twice the size of Turkiye, with some of the world’s largest oil and gas reserves, rich underground water and mineral resources — enough to sustain all of Central Africa. This country must be rescued from division, instability, and Western plunder.
Libya is not only a Mediterranean state but also the largest gateway to Central Africa. From Sudan to Mali and Chad, the stability of the Sahel depends on Libya’s stability. Therefore Libya must be strengthened: a powerful army built, wealth directed toward national growth, population increased, a strong central government established, and central authority consolidated.
Libya, devastated by civil war and chaos despite its wealth, must recover. The truth is clear: the partition of Libya and Sudan would bring destruction not only to those two countries but to all of Central Africa. Just as Turkiye mobilized for Sudan’s unity, it must mobilize for Libya’s reunification. Turkiye is the sole guarantor of stability for these nations, and this principle underpins its regional policy.
Relying only on Tripoli while keeping distance from Eastern Libya is dangerous for Turkiye, especially as regional dynamics intensify. Recognising this danger, Turkiye’s recent rapprochement with Haftar’s administration has become striking. Warm interest from Benghazi toward Ankara, Turkiye’s prioritisation of Libya’s unity as a matter of “life and death,” and the increase in visits, contacts, and economic agreements all reflect this.
Delegations from Benghazi are arriving in Turkiye one after another, major deals are being signed between Benghazi and Turkish companies, and Haftar’s administration is pressing Libya’s House of Representatives to approve the “Blue Homeland” maritime agreement signed with Turkiye. Meanwhile, Tripoli appears hostage to the U.S. and Europe, with central bank resources unfairly distributed and siphoned off to the West. Western powers are pushing federation instead of unity, subjecting Libya to blackmail — making urgent action necessary.
This is already happening. On August 26, Turkish intelligence chief ?brahim Kal?n met Haftar. In August 2025, the Turkish Navy’s TCG K?nal?ada and military officials visited Benghazi port, joined by Haftar’s Libyan Armed Forces — a sign of rapprochement not only politically and economically but militarily.
Photos of Kal?n with Haftar’s eldest son Belkassam in Benghazi, followed by Belkassam’s visit to Ankara to meet Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan and sign agreements, show that a strong future is being built between Turkiye and Eastern Libya. The issue is not merely economic but deeply geopolitical.
Because we usually view Libya through Tripoli, developments in Eastern Libya have been less closely followed. But Libya is now returning strongly to the regional and international stage after years of conflict, with stable oil production and massive development projects.
Under Belkassam’s coordination, hundreds of new schools, dozens of hospitals and health centres, hundreds of kilometres of roads, and housing for thousands of families have been built in just two years. A new highway is being constructed to link Benghazi deep into Africa, enabling Turkish goods arriving at Benghazi port to reach Central African countries within three to four days.
The relationship between Turkiye and Haftar’s administration goes beyond what is visible publicly: it is permanent, constructive, and aimed at unifying Libya. The future of the vast geography spanning Sudan, Central Africa, and Libya may depend on this rapprochement, moving Libya toward one state, one army, and one strong central authority.
Turkiye has gained its sphere of influence over the past two decades by breaking century?old patterns. It is a country free of prejudice, open?minded, and acting with geopolitical foresight rather than short?term calculations.
Therefore, the Tripoli–Benghazi divide must end. Libya’s collapse must be prevented. A strong state must be built. Turkiye must be Libya’s strongest supporter internationally, beyond economic and political aid. A strong Libyan army can only be built with Turkiye’s centuries?long experience. Otherwise, the country cannot survive. Libya’s resources must be protected from Western exploitation and directed toward nationalisation.
Most of Libya is under Haftar’s control, and most resources are located there. Thus, the new process initiated with Haftar’s administration must evolve into reconstruction and the image of a strong Libya.
Turkiye is ready, Libya is ready — this is a necessity for Central Africa’s future. Public perception of Libya must also be reshaped through stronger media and information management. Global power dynamics are shifting so rapidly that only those with open minds can cross this bridge.
Inviting Khalifa Haftar to Turkiye, turning East–West partnership into a central power, and urgently establishing Turkiye’s constructive, peace?oriented partnership across the region is essential. Turkiye has achieved all its gains by breaking the patterns imposed by the West for a century. Now is the time to do the same in Libya.
In my view, the time has come to invite Haftar to Turkiye.
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